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Half fable, half manifesto, this brilliant new take on the ancient concept of cash lays bare its unparalleled capacity to empower and enthrall us. Along the way, he exposes a set of allegorical plots, stock characters, and stereotypical metaphors that have long been linked with money and commercial culture, from Melanesian trading rituals to the dogma of Medieval churchmen faced with global commerce, the rationales of Mercantilism and colonial expansion, and the U.
The Money Plot offers a tool to see through the haze of modern banking and finance, demonstrating that the standard reasons given for economic inequality—the Neoliberal gospel of market forces—are, like dollars, euros, and yuan, contingent upon structures people have designed.
Previous page. Date de publication. Taille du fichier. Page Flip. Word Wise. Confort de lecture. Next page. Chapters follow parallels in the growth and development of each. Thus we have the money plot, at the core of which resides the most compelling symbol ever created. This book does not ask whether we should love or hate or even need money. The question is: What drives our belief in this thing called money? The answer has to do with the nature of symbols, and why humans thirst for them.
Gold was a symbol, and as such could be replaced by a variety of other symbols. The form that money assumed was accidental. Money not made of gold was still money. The symbolic nature of money — that is, the fact that money can inhabit any number of material configurations and remain money — was itself not part of the Keynesian theory. When it comes to money, symbols are useful. That is why Keynes was not alone among economists.
If they had ever met, Adam Smith and Karl Marx would have soon discovered that when it came to theories of prices, costs, wages, and profits, they disagreed.
But, along with Keynes, both would have readily consented to the fact that even as money possessed an extraordinarily practical capacity to influence a wide variety of very real, non-metaphorical things, money itself was metaphorical.
Perhaps because so many economic subjects have been so bitterly disputed, the artifice that lies at the bottom of them all has been lost in the shuffle. The following pages turn the tables. Which is another way of saying that money conforms to the fictions of the age, whether those fictions go by the name myth, religion, historical narrative, literary masterpiece, or digital meme.
A dollar without full faith and credit is a failed dollar. Another way of putting it is that the history of money, while closely related to the history of economics, is not the same thing. The history of money is a history of symbols, while the history of economics is a history of what we can do and have done with those symbols.
A symbol lies behind economics. The goal of this book is to pull back the curtain, crack open the doors, decrypt the encryptions, and lay bare the bones of the stories and storytellers that lie at the foundation of the symbol system known as money.
They give us a measure of control, and on this fundamental level the motive for turning the world into words coincides with the motive for turning the world into money. About 65, years ago, Homo sapiens created the bead. They conjecture that the cave dwellers who made and marked them believed the beads possessed secret powers, so that those who wore them next to their bodies might not only gain status among their peers, but might decrease their exposure to risk and increase their good fortune.
The technical word used to describe such beads is apotropaic , which indicates a magic figure or incantation meant to avert evil. That is why metaphors are also known as tropes.
Money averts evil. It decreases our exposure to risk. It keeps us clothed, sheltered, and safe. This is why anthropologists concluded that those first beads were elements of a much more complicated story than ornamentation.
They were a form of risk aversion, an early model of insurance. The crisis had bubbled up not from panic in the stock market nor a loss of faith in bonds, not from an insolvent bank nor surging gold nor tanking oil nor amber waves of rotting grain. Money has long been synonymous with anxieties about the future, and insurance has been a traditional way to manage the angst.
Before there was the Dow and NASDAQ, before there were silver groats and bronze denarii, before there was a bustling slave trade and an active foreign exchange market in the ports of Benin, before the itinerant merchants of medieval Europe set up shop in one Champagne fair after another, and before there was canoe trade up and down the Rhine, the Thames, and the thousand islands of Melanesia — that is, back in the epic old days of archaic prehistory when it was man versus everything else in the world — there was insurance, and it could be strung around your neck.
Unlike modern insurance products, bead insurance was perhaps more spiritual than statistical. Such items come in handy when heroes traverse the land of shadows and other fraught landscapes — be the physical form of the talisman a ring, a flaming sword, the tooth of an ancestor, a relic of the true cross, gold coins struck with the profile of a river god, an electronic code that secures a proprietary pathway through the internet, or a necklace strung with beads. All of which is to say that even if the prehistoric beads from the coastal hinterlands of Kenya possessed many key attributes of money, they did not conform in every way to the modern definition.
They were not stores of value, media of exchange, or units of account in the way we think about such things. They were not the same sort of money as the money that populates classical economics.
They were more deeply embedded in our imaginations and psyches than that. The most famous classical economist is the Scottish philosopher Adam Smith. In he published his masterpiece, The Wealth of Nations.
He did not declare that pounds and francs had been anchored in beads or rings endowed with the power to ward off evil. According to Smith, before the revolutionary conveniences of coin and credit, a primitive potato farmer might have had to lug twenty sacks of fingerlings and russets around town in order to trade his sole unit of value and medium of exchange for the cooking oil, firewood, and cast iron pan required to make himself a batch of home fries.
Quite the opposite, in fact. If the first anthropologists who set foot on the shores of New Guinea thought they were going to discover bilateral exchanges of, say, candle wax for cassava or a dog for ten pairs of slippers, they were likely surprised to discover an economy of bones, seeds, shells, skins, and polished rocks that appeared to possess symbolic value akin to crowns, pesos, and shekels.
Money — or something that acted very much like it — had been around long before markets. Barter economies are economies not of first but of last resort, such as wartime economies in which currencies have become virtually worthless and scarcity of food and basic supplies become the rule, or prison economies with their highly constricted trade in candy, cigarettes, drugs, and weapons.
Before they were beads, the beads had been ostrich eggs! No doubt, ostrich meat, ostrich leather, and ostrich feathers were more valuable than the shells. Why were these broken chips of calcium chosen among all other materials to ward off evil and promote good fortune? How did their shape a small circle with a hole in the middle come to be replicated around the world, from the first copper coins of Asia to the wampum of the Americas? Archeological evidence further indicated that beads were not the only thing these neolithic people were making out of their ostrich eggs.
Before they were fashioned into beads, the ostrich eggs had been used as containers. That which could hold something valuable — rainwater, nuts, berries, or whatever else someone might have kept in an empty ostrich egg — had been transformed into something valuable in and of itself.
That which could contain water or berries in order to alleviate the specific risks of thirst or hunger had transformed into a symbolic remedy for risk in general. Traders, financiers, and other adepts of monetary mutability can transform their money into any currency they wish, not to mention a commodity like grain or heating oil, which can in turn translate back into money.
Moreover, money can compensate for a wide variety of damages and protect from all manner of liability. Money is so generally able to replace one thing by another and change one thing into another that change is another word for money.
They realized that they could use the tools of calculus and statistics to capture shifting feelings about money. And, much like beads, these mathematical measures of confidence and panic would eventually be priced and traded themselves. In short, how was money born? The word for semiotics, or the study of symbols, Mr. Like language, money is rooted in arbitrary custom even as it expands into the basis for rational cooperation among strangers. And like any powerful belief, money can be exploited by some to manipulate the minds of others.
The result is an appealing compendium of musings and money-related minutiae. But why have such fictions been so hard to escape? In its first form it strives for fixity, but as a symbol of our fluctuating hopes, fears, and desires, fixity perpetually eludes it. Being a measure of our freedom to dream, money can never be given a fixed value in a free society. An irreverent, grand, and captivating history tour of money: what it is and what it does to each and all of us. If you ever wondered why people are willing to accept a funny-looking piece of paper in exchange for a richly marbled New York strip steak, this is the book for you.
From beads to gold to paper to bitcoins to yes, bacon, Kaufman takes us on a journey through a remarkable diversity of leaders, events, relationships, and products to provide a provocative biography of money itself. A must-read for anyone wondering just how much money central banks can create, how high can markets go, and how much speculation we can endure—before the next crisis.
In this fascinating book, Frederick Kaufman takes the argument one step further: those beliefs can only be sustained by stories. The story of money is a story.
It is not from the benevolence of the banker, the stock broker, or the financier that we expect our dinner, but from their regard for the tales that only gifted fabulists like Kaufman can tell. Distilling vast erudition into wonderfully readable prose, Kaufman gives us an important book that brims with fresh insights into the ways that money, from ancient times to today, has been a floating symbol with no stable meaning. You will never grasp the true meaning of money, now and into the future, without reading this book.
Biographie de l'auteur Frederick Kaufman , an English professor by training and profession, has for the past decade focused his attention on the fiction that is money.
En lire plus. Frederick Kaufman. Brief content visible, double tap to read full content. Full content visible, double tap to read brief content. En lire plus En lire moins. Commentaires client. Intermission I enjoyed sitting and listening to the chatter around me. In London fascinated by how folk would hold forth with vivid hand motions, facial expressions, and say so little.
There is little here to interest an economist. But redundancy, lack of human content, taking away the shine; you decide.
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Half fable, half manifesto, this brilliant new take on the ancient concept of cash lays bare its unparalleled capacity to empower and enthrall us. Along the way, he exposes a set of allegorical plots, stock characters, and stereotypical metaphors that have long been linked with money and commercial culture, from Melanesian trading rituals to the dogma of Medieval churchmen faced with global commerce, the rationales of Mercantilism and colonial expansion, and the U. The Money Plot offers a tool to see through the haze of modern banking and finance, demonstrating that the standard reasons given for economic inequality—the Neoliberal gospel of market forces—are, like dollars, euros, and yuan, contingent upon structures people have designed. Previous page. Date de publication. Taille du fichier. Page Flip.
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